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Chinese Christian Women

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Patron—client relationships, mainly through the exchange of money for security, became an accepted norm among the ethnic Chinese as they maintained a social contract through which they could claim a sense of belonging in the country.

A minority of the economic elite of Indonesian society, both those who were and were not ethnic Chinese, secured relationships with Suharto's family members and members of the military for protection, while small business owners relied on local law enforcement officials.

In a interview conducted by scholar Adam Schwarz for his book A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia's Search for Stability , an interviewee stated that, "to most Indonesians, the word 'Chinese' is synonymous with corruption".

They were politically weak and often faced social harassment. Anti-Chinese sentiment gathered intensity through the s.

President Suharto gathered the most powerful businessmen—mostly Chinese Indonesians—in a nationally televised meeting at his private ranch, calling on them to contribute 25 percent of their shares to cooperatives.

Commentators described the spectacle as "good theatre", as it only served to reinforce resentment and suspicion of the ethnic Chinese among the indigenous population.

When Suharto entered his seventh term as president, following an uncontested election on 10 March , Indonesian students began a series of major demonstrations in protest of the New Order regime which continued for weeks and culminated in the shootings of four students by security forces at Trisakti University in May.

Property and businesses owned by Chinese Indonesians were targeted by mobs, and over women were sexually assaulted ; [67] this aspect of the riots, though generally accepted as true, [70] has been denied by several Indonesian groups.

In Jakarta and Surakarta over 1, people—both Chinese and non-Chinese—died inside shopping malls. Suharto unexpectedly resigned on 21 May , one week after he returned from a Group of 15 meeting in Cairo , which took place during the riots.

Along with one of his envoys James Riady , son of financial magnate Mochtar Riady , Habibie appealed to Chinese Indonesians seeking refuge throughout East Asia, Australia, and North America to return and promised security from various government ministries as well as other political figures, such as Abdurrahman Wahid and Amien Rais.

Despite Habibie's efforts he was met with skepticism because of remarks he made, as vice president and as president, which suggested that the message was insincere.

Others, including economist Kwik Kian Gie , saw the government's efforts as perpetuating the myth of Chinese economic domination rather than affirming the ethnic Chinese identity.

Symbolic reforms to Chinese Indonesian rights under Habibie's administration were made through two Presidential Instructions.

The first abolished the use of the terms " pribumi " and "non- pribumi " in official government documents and business. The second abolished the ban on the study of Mandarin Chinese [c] and reaffirmed a instruction that abolished the use of the SBKRI to identify citizens of Chinese descent.

Habibie established a task force to investigate the May violence, although his government later dismissed its findings. Two years later President Megawati Sukarnoputri declared that the Chinese New Year Imlek would be marked as a national holiday from The law further stipulates that children of foreigners born in Indonesia are eligible to apply for Indonesian citizenship.

The post-Suharto era saw the end of discriminatory policy against Chinese Indonesians. Since then, numbers of Chinese Indonesians began to take part in the nation's politics, government and administrative sector.

However, discrimination and prejudice against Indonesian Chinese continues in the 21st century. On 15 March , Indonesian Army General Suryo Prabowo commented that the incumbent governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama , should "know his place lest the Indonesian Chinese face the consequences of his action".

This controversial comment was considered to hearken back to previous violence against the Indonesian Chinese.

Chinese immigrants to the Indonesian archipelago almost entirely originated from various ethnic groups especially the Tanka people of what are now the Fujian and Guangdong provinces in southern China, areas known for their regional diversity.

The first group of Chinese people to settle in large numbers to escape the coastal ban were the most affected Tanka boat people , other came in much smaller numbers, Teochews from Chaozhou , [86] the Hakkas from Chengxiang county now renamed Meixian , Huizhou pronounced Fuizhew in Hakka and rural county of Dabu pronounced Thaipo in Hakka , the Cantonese from Guangdong and various different ethnic dialect groups who left the trading city ports of southern Fujian including the ethnic Tanka , Hakkas, etc.

Teochews , southern neighbors of the Hokkien, are found throughout the eastern coast of Sumatra, in the Riau Archipelago , and in western Borneo.

They were preferred as plantation laborers in Sumatra but have become traders in regions where the Hokkien are not well represented. From to , there were more , Hakkas from Huizhou living in Batavia and Java island.

The Hakka , unlike the Hokkien and the Teochew, originate from the mountainous inland regions of Guangdong and do not have a maritime culture. Although they initially populated the mining centers of western Borneo and Bangka Island , Hakkas became attracted to the rapid growth of Batavia and West Java in the late 19th century.

The Cantonese people, like the Hakka, were well known throughout Southeast Asia as mineworkers.

Their migration in the 19th century was largely directed toward the tin mines of Bangka, off the east coast of Sumatra. Notable traditionally as skilled artisans, the Cantonese benefited from close contact with Europeans in Guangdong and Hong Kong by learning about machinery and industrial success.

They migrated to Java about the same time as the Hakka but for different reasons. In Indonesia's cities, they became artisans, machine workers, and owners of small businesses such as restaurants and hotel-keeping services.

The Cantonese are evenly dispersed throughout the archipelago and number far less than the Hokkien or the Hakka. Consequently, their roles are of secondary importance in the Chinese communities.

Indonesia's census reported 2,, citizens 1. Past estimates on the exact number of Chinese Indonesians relied on the Dutch East Indies census, which collected direct information on ethnicity.

William Skinner estimated that between 2. According to population census, When the island's other provinces— Banten , West Java, Central Java, Yogyakarta , and East Java—are included, this population accounted for around half In each of the remaining provinces, Chinese Indonesians account for 1 percent or less of the provincial population.

The ethnic Chinese population in Indonesia grew by an average of 4. It then slowed owing to the effects of the Great Depression and many areas experienced a net emigration.

Falling growth rates were also attributed to a significant decrease in the number of Chinese immigrants admitted into Indonesia since the s. Their population pyramid had a narrow base with a rapid increase until the 15—19 age group, indicating a rapid decline in total fertility rates.

This was evidenced by a decline in the absolute number of births since In Jakarta and West Java the population peak occurred in the 20—24 age group, indicating that the decline in fertility rates began as early as The upper portion of the pyramid exhibited a smooth decline with increasing population age.

With an average life expectancy of 75 years, those who spent their formative years prior to this regime will completely disappear by According to the last population census, the self-identified Chinese Indonesian population is 2,, There is a growth of During the census, it only published data for the eight largest ethnic groups in each province.

Because Chinese Indonesians in some provinces did not have a large enough population, they were left off the list. Emigration by Chinese Indonesians became significant after Indonesian independence in Large numbers of Chinese Indonesians repatriated to China, Taiwan and Hong Kong throughout the following years, while others moved to more industrialized regions around the world.

Although these migrants possessed a Chinese heritage, they were often not identified as such; this trend has continued into the modern day.

James Jupp 's The Australian People encyclopedia estimated that half of over 30, Indonesians living in Australia in the late s are ethnic Chinese, and they have since merged with other Chinese communities.

Australian scholar Charles Coppel believes Chinese Indonesian migrants also constitute a large majority of returned overseas Chinese living in Hong Kong.

Though it is impossible to accurately count this number, news sources have provided estimates ranging from , to ,, [e] while the estimate of , was published in the Hong Kong Standard on 21 December Coppel , p.

Of the 57, Indonesians living in the United States in , one-third were estimated to be ethnic Chinese. Although families are interested in rediscovering their ethnic traditions, their Canadian-born children are often reluctant to learn either Chinese mother tongue.

It may be stated as a general rule that if a given area of Indonesia was settled by Chinese in appreciable numbers prior to this [20th] century, Chinese society there is in some degree dichotomous today.

In one sector of the society, adults as well as children are Indonesia-born, the orientation toward China is attenuated, and the influence of the individual culture is apparent.

In the other sector of the society, the population consists of twentieth-century immigrants and their immediate descendants, who are less acculturated and more strongly oriented toward China.

The significance and pervasiveness of the social line between the two sectors varies from one part of Indonesia to another.

Scholars who study Chinese Indonesians often distinguish members of the group according to their racial and sociocultural background: the " totok " and the " peranakan ".

The two terms were initially used to racially distinguish the pure-blooded Chinese from those with mixed ancestry. A secondary meaning to the terms later arose that meant the " totok " were born in China and anyone born in Indonesia was considered " peranakan ".

Among the indigenized " peranakan " segmentation occurs through social class, which is graded according to education and family standing rather than wealth.

Kinship structure in the " totok " community follows the patrilineal , patrilocal , and patriarchal traditions of Chinese society, a practice which has lost emphasis in " peranakan " familial relationships.

Instead, kinship patterns in indigenized families have incorporated elements of matrilocal , matrilineal , and matrifocal traditions found in Javanese society.

Within this community, both sons and daughters can inherit the family fortune, including ancestral tablets and ashes.

Kin terms do not distinguish between maternal and paternal relatives and polygyny is strongly frowned upon. Western influence in " peranakan " society is evidenced by the high proportion of childless couples.

Those who did have children also had fewer of them than " totok " couples. Despite their break from traditional kinship patterns, " peranakan " families are closer to some traditional Chinese values than the " totok ".

Because the indigenized population have lost much of the connection to their ancestral homes in the coastal provinces of China, they are less affected by the 20th-century modernization patterns that transformed the region.

The " peranakan " have a stricter attitude toward divorce, though the separation rates among families in both segments are generally lower than other ethnic groups.

Arranged marriages are more common in "peranakan" families, whose relationships tend to be more nepotistic. Secularization among the "totok" meant that their counterparts carry out ancestral rituals to a higher degree, and "peranakan" youth tend to be more religious.

Through education provided by high-quality Catholic and Protestant schools, these youth are much more likely to convert to Christianity.

In the 21st century, the conceptual differences of " totok " and " peranakan " Chinese are slowly becoming outdated as some families show a mixture of characteristics from both cultures.

Use of a Chinese surname , in some form or circumstance, is generally a sign of cultural self-identification as ethnic Chinese or alignment with a Chinese social system.

Ethnic Chinese in the Dutch East Indies census were categorized as foreign orientals, which led to separate registration.

However, they often encountered obstacles regarding the legality of their citizenship. Other terms used for identifying sectors of the community include peranakan and totok.

The former, traditionally used to describe those born locally, is derived from the root Indonesian word anak "child" and thus means "child of the land".

The latter is derived from Javanese , meaning "new" or "pure", and is used to describe the foreign born and new immigrants. Sociologist Mely G.

Tan asserts that scholars studying ethnic Chinese emigrants often refer to the group as a "monolithic entity": the overseas Chinese.

Members of the "totok" community are more inclined to be entrepreneurs and adhere to the practice of guanxi , which is based on the idea that one's existence is influenced by the connection to others, implying the importance of business connections.

By the s virtually all retail stores in Indonesia were owned by ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs, whose businesses ranged from selling groceries to construction material.

Discontentment soon grew among indigenous merchants who felt unable to compete with ethnic Chinese businesses. Ethnic Chinese businesses persisted, owing to their integration into larger networks throughout Southeast Asia, and their dominance continued despite continuous state and private efforts to encourage the growth of indigenous capital.

Government policies shifted dramatically after , becoming more favorable to economic expansion. In an effort to rehabilitate the economy, the government turned to those who possessed the capability to invest and expand corporate activity.

Ethnic Chinese capitalists, called the cukong , were supported by the military, which emerged as the dominant political force after Additionally, they owned 68 percent of the top conglomerates and nine of the top ten private sector groups at the end of The image of an economically powerful ethnic Chinese community was further fostered by the government through its inability to dissociate itself from the patronage networks.

Numerous conglomerates lost a majority of their assets and collapsed. Over the next several years, other conglomerates struggled to repay international and domestic debts.

When President B. Habibie announced in a 19 July interview with The Washington Post that Indonesia was not dependent on ethnic Chinese businessmen, the rupiah's value plunged 5 percent.

Between the 18th and early 20th centuries, ethnic Chinese communities were dominated by the "peranakan" presence.

As part of a resinicization effort by the indigenized ethnic Chinese community, a new pan-Chinese movement emerged with the goal of a unified Chinese political identity.

The movement later split in the s when "peranakan" elites resisted the leadership of the "totok" in the nationalist movement, and the two groups developed their own objectives.

The two communities once again found common ground in opposition to the invading Japanese when the occupying forces treated all Chinese groups with contempt.

The issue of nationality, following independence, politicized the ethnic Chinese and led to the formation of Baperki in , as the first and largest Chinese Indonesian mass organization.

Baperki and its majority "peranakan" membership led the opposition against a draft law that would have restricted the number of ethnic Chinese who could gain Indonesian citizenship.

This movement was met by the Islamic Masyumi Party in when it called for the implementation of affirmative action for indigenous businesses.

Later that year, two Baperki candidates were also elected to the Constitutional Assembly. The depoliticizing of Indonesian society confined ethnic Chinese activities to the economic sector.

Chinese Indonesian critics of the regime were mostly "peranakan" and projected themselves as Indonesians, leaving the ethnic Chinese with no visible leaders.

The party also benefited from the presence of economist Kwik Kian Gie , who was well respected by both ethnic Chinese and non-ethnic-Chinese voters.

Despite this result, the number of Chinese Indonesian candidates standing in national election increased from fewer than 50 in to almost in In addition to these, the Teochew people speak their own dialect that has some degree of mutual intelligibility with Hokkien.

Distinctions between the two, however, are accentuated outside of their regions of origin. Additionally, an estimated 20, spoke different dialects of the Indonesian language.

Many of the Chinese living in capital city Jakarta and other towns located in Java are not fluent in Chinese languages, due to New Order's banning of Chinese languages, but those who are living in non-Java cities especially in Sumatra and Kalimantan can speak Chinese and its dialects fluently.

There are also Hokkien speakers in Java Semarang , Surakarta etc. There are sizable communities of Hokchia or Foochownese speakers in East Java , especially in Surabaya.

The Hainanese people can also found in Pematangsiantar in North Sumatra. Many Indonesians, including the ethnic Chinese, believe in the existence of a dialect of the Malay language , Chinese Malay, known locally as Melayu Tionghoa or Melayu Cina.

The growth of "peranakan" literature in the second half of the 19th century gave rise to such a variant, popularized through silat martial arts stories translated from Chinese or written in Malay and Indonesian.

However, scholars argue it is different from the mixture of spoken Javanese and Malay that is perceived to be "spoken exclusively by ethnic Chinese".

The language was simply low, bazaar Malay, the common tongue of Java's streets and markets, especially of its cities, spoken by all ethnic groups in the urban and multi-ethnic environment.

Because Chinese were a dominant element in the cities and markets, the language was associated with them, but government officials, Eurasians, migrant traders, or people from different language areas, all resorted to this form of Malay to communicate.

Academic literature discussing Chinese Malay commonly note that ethnic Chinese do not speak the same dialect of Malay throughout the archipelago.

By the numbers of Chinese Indonesians studying Standard Mandarin increased. Chinese cultural influences can be seen in local Chinese Malay literature, which dates back to the late 19th century.

One of the earliest and most comprehensive works on this subject, Claudine Salmon's book Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia: A Provisional Annotated Bibliography , lists over 3, works.

Samples of this literature were also published in a six-volume collection titled Kesastraan Melayu Tionghoa dan Kebangsaan Indonesia "Chinese Malay Literature and the Indonesian Nation".

He is well known in Indonesia for his martial art fiction set in the background of China or Java. During his 30 years career, at least stories has been published according to Leo Suryadinata.

All Chinese-language publications were prohibited under the assimilation policy of the Suharto period, with the exception of the government-controlled daily newspaper Harian Indonesia.

The rise of China's political and economic standing at the turn of the 21st century became an impetus for their attempt to attract younger readers who seek to rediscover their cultural roots.

During the first three decades of the 20th century, ethnic Chinese owned most, if not all, movie theaters in cities throughout the Dutch East Indies.

Films from China were being imported by the s, and a film industry began to emerge in with the arrival of the three Wong brothers from Shanghai—their films would dominate the market through the s.

When martial arts serials began appearing on national television in , they were dubbed in Indonesian. One exception was the showing of films from Hong Kong in Chinese—limited to ethnic Chinese districts and their surroundings—because of an agreement between importers and the film censor board.

Religion of Chinese Indonesians census []. There is little scholarly work devoted to the religious life of Chinese Indonesians. A civil registration law does not allow Indonesians to identify themselves as a member of any other religion on their identity cards.

According to an analysis of the census data, about half of Chinese Indonesians were Buddhist, and about one third Protestant or Catholic.

Throughout the 20th century Chinese religion and culture was forbidden and persecuted in Indonesia, forcing many Chinese to convert to Christianity.

The second wave followed after the government withdrew Confucianism's status as a recognized religion in the s. Suharto endorsed a systematic campaign of eradication of Confucianism.

In a country where nearly 90 percent of the population are Muslims, the ethnic Chinese Muslims form a small minority of the ethnic Chinese population, mainly due to intermarriages between Chinese men and local Muslim women.

The census reckoned that 4. PITI was re-established in as a modern organization, but occasionally experienced periods of inactivity.

Various forms of Chinese architecture exist throughout Indonesia with marked differences between urban and rural areas and among the different islands.

By blending local and European Dutch design patterns, numerous variations of fusion styles emerged. There usually were no physical boundaries among the zones, except for rivers, walls, or roads in some cases.

Such legal boundaries promoted high growths in urban density within each zone, especially in the Chinese quarters, often leading to poor environmental conditions.

Early settlers did not adhere to traditional architectural practices when constructing houses, but instead adapted to living conditions in Indonesia.

Although the earliest houses are no longer standing, they were likely built from wood or bamboo with thatched roofs , resembling indigenous houses found throughout Sumatra, Borneo, and Java.

More permanent constructions replaced these settlements in the 19th century. The ethnic Chinese and other foreign and indigenous groups lived according to their own cultures.

Chinese houses along the north coast of Java were renovated to include Chinese ornamentation. The policies implemented by the New Order government which prohibited the public display of Chinese culture have also accelerated the transition toward local and Western architecture.

Chinese culinary culture is particularly evident in Indonesian cuisine through the Hokkien, Hakka, and Cantonese loanwords used for various dishes.

Most of these loanwords for food dishes and their ingredients are Hokkien in origin, and are used throughout the Indonesian language and vernacular speech of large cities.

Because they have become an integral part of the local language, many Indonesians and ethnic Chinese do not recognize their Hokkien origins.

Some popular Indonesian dishes such as nasi goreng , lumpia , and bakpia can trace their origin to Chinese influence.

Some food and ingredients are part of the daily diet of both the indigenous and ethnic Chinese populations as side dishes to accompany rice, the staple food of most of the country.

The consumption of pork has, however, decreased in recent years owing to a recognition of its contribution to health hazards such as high cholesterol levels and heart disease.

In a restaurant listing published by the English-language daily The Jakarta Post , which largely caters to expatriates and middle class Indonesians, at least 80 locations within the city can be considered Chinese out of the page list.

Additionally, major hotels generally operate one or two Chinese restaurants, and many more can be found in large shopping centers.

The shop was so famous among the local that the locals began to call the area Warung Buncit Buncit's Shop. The area had been known as Warung Buncit ever since.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Ethnic group. Slogan proclaiming that Chinese Indonesians stand together with Native Indonesians in support of the country's independence , c.

See also: History of Indonesia. They had thought they were unwanted in Southeast Asia because they were Chinese; then they were rejected in China because they were Indonesian.

See also: Legislation on Chinese Indonesians. Dragon dance attraction in Jakarta. Lion dance celebration in Pekanbaru, during Chinese New Year.

In the public practice of Chinese culture, such as fashion and the barongsai , was permitted, and in Chinese New Year was declared a national holiday.

See also: Chinese emigration. See also: Demographics of Indonesia. Main article: Overseas Indonesians. See also: Chinese Indonesian surname and Peranakan Chinese.

See also: Bamboo network and Economy of Indonesia. Protestantism Catholicism Islam 4. Confucianism 3.

Hinduism 0. No choice or "other" 0. See also: Chinese architecture and Indonesian architecture. Main article: Chinese Indonesian cuisine. Indonesia portal China portal.

Bangka had year leases, while several areas offered year leases. She qualifies this, however, by noting that most of the killings were in rural areas, while the Chinese were concentrated in the cities.

Mandarin-language press and writings were severely limited that year. Setiono , p. Space restrictions in the census publication limited the ethnic groups listed for each province to the eight largest.

They also have little political or social support. Among all faiths in Pakistan, parents often decide a daughter's marriage partner.

The deeply patriarchal society sees girls as less desirable than boys and as a burden because the bride's family must pay a dowry and the cost of the wedding when they marry.

A new bride is often mistreated by her husband and in-laws if her dowry is considered inadequate.

Some of the grooms are from among the tens of thousands of Chinese in Pakistan working on infrastructure projects under Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative, a project that has further boosted ties between the two countries in recent years.

Other grooms search directly from China through networks. They present themselves as Christian converts, but pastors complicit in the deals don't ask for any documentation.

Iqbal has gone to court to stop marriages and sheltered runaway brides, some as young as Dozens of priests are paid by brokers to find brides for Chinese men, said Augustine, the provincial minorities minister, who is Christian.

Many are from the small evangelical churches that have proliferated in Pakistan. Gujranwala, a city north of Lahore, has been a particular target of brokers, with more than local Christian women and girls married off to Chinese in recent months, according to Iqbal.

The city has several mainly Christian neighborhoods, largely dirt poor with open sewers running along narrow slum streets.

Tucked away in the alleys are numerous evangelical churches, small cement structures unrecognizable except for small crosses outside.

Pastor Munch Morris said he knows a group of pastors in his neighborhood who work with a private Chinese marriage broker.

Among them, he said, is a fellow pastor at his church who tells his flock, "God is happy because these Chinese boys convert to Christianity. They are helping the poor Christian girls.

Morris opposes such marriages, calling them an insult. Rizwan Rashid, a parishioner at the city's Roman Catholic St. John's Church, said that two weeks earlier, a car pulled up to him outside the church gates.

Two Pakistani men and a Chinese woman inside asked him if he knew of any girls who want to marry a Chinese man.

They were willing to pay him to help, but he said the church's priest often warns his flock against such marriages, so he refused.

Brokers also troll brick kilns, where the poorest work essentially as slaves to pay off debts, and offer to pay off their workers' debts in exchange for daughters as brides.

Pakistani and Chinese brokers work together in the trade. One prominent broker in Gujranwala is a Pakistani known only as Robinson. He refused to talk to the AP, but his wife Razia told the AP that they make arrangements through a Chinese marriage bureau in Islamabad.

Moqadas and another young woman from the same neighborhood, Mahek Liaqat, said Robinson arranged their marriages, providing photos of potential grooms.

Afterward, they each described being taken to the same, multi-story house in Islamabad, a sort of boarding house with bedrooms.

There, each met her husband for the first time face-to-face and spent her wedding night. Mahek, 19, said she stayed there with her husband for a month, during which she saw several other girls brought in.

She attended several weddings performed in the basement. Simbal Akmal, 18, was taken there by her parents. Two other Christian girls were already there in a large sitting room, picking grooms.

Three Chinese men were presented to Simbal, and her father demanded she choose one. She told him she didn't want to marry, but he insisted, claiming "it was a matter of our honor," she said.

She married, but immediately fled. She was joined by her sister, who refused her parents' demands to marry a Chinese man. Both escaped to a refuge run by the activist, Iqbal.

Muqadas said her husband had claimed to be a man of money, but when she arrived in China in early December, she found herself living "in a small house, just one room and a bedroom.

She said he rarely let her out of the house on her own. He forced her to undergo a battery of medical tests that later she found were attempts to determine why she was not yet pregnant.

On Christmas Eve, when she pressed him to take her to church, he slapped her and broke her phone, she said.

Mahek said she hadn't wanted to get married, but her parents insisted. Her Chinese husband was possessive and refused to let her leave the house.

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